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News

Banana apocalypse, part 2 – a genomicist explains the tricky genetics of the fungus devastating bananas worldwide

 

Fusarium oxysporum spores can remain hardy in soil for decades. Andrii Volosheniuk/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Did you know that the bananas you eat today are not the same type as the ones people were eating a few generations ago? The banana you might have had with your breakfast today is a variety called the Cavendish banana, while the one that was in grocery stores up to the 1950s was a variety called Gros Michel, which was wiped out by a disease called Fusarium wilt of banana, or FWB.

FWB of Gros Michel was caused by Fusarium oxysporum race 1, a fungal pathogen that affects bananas. This fungal infection kills a plant by occupying its vascular system, blocking water and mineral transportation.

Hang holding a bunch of relatively short and thick bananas
You would be hard-pressed to find a Gros Michel banana in American supermarkets today. krares/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Plant biologists developed the Fusarium-resistant Cavendish variety to replace the Gros Michel. Yet, over the past few decades, a resurgence of FWB caused by a different strain of the same fungus called tropical race 4, or TR4, is once again threatening global banana production.

How did Fusarium oxysporum gain the ability to overcome resistance and infect so many different plants?

The two-part genome of F. oxysporum

I am a genomicist who has spent the past decade studying the genetic evolution of Fusarium oxysporum. As a species complex, F. oxysporum can cause wilt and root rot diseases in over 120 plant species. Certain strains can also infect people.

In 2010, my lab discovered that each F. oxysporum genome can be divided into two parts: a core genome shared among all strains that codes for essential housekeeping functions, and an accessory genome varying from strain to strain that codes for specialized functions like the ability to infect a specific plant host.

Each species of plant has a sophisticated immune response to defend against microbial invasion. So to establish an infection, each F. oxysporum strain uses its accessory genome to suppress a plant’s unique defense system. This functional compartmentalization allows F. oxysporum to greatly increase its host range.

Petri dish with four red, oblong colonies crowing on separate corners
The genomic structure of Fusarium oxysporum allows it to have a wide range of hosts, such as tomatoes, cucumbers and watermelon. Edward L. Barnard, Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services, Bugwood.org, CC BY-SA

In our newly published research, my team and colleagues in China and South Africa found that the TR4 strain that kills Cavendish bananas has a different evolutionary origin and different sequences in its accessory genome compared with the strain that killed Gros Michel bananas.

Looking at the interface of where the TR4 strain is battling with its Cavendish banana host, we found that some of its activated accessory genes release nitric oxide, a gas harmful to the Cavendish banana. This sudden burst of toxic gases facilitates infection by disarming the plant’s defense system. At the same time, the fungus protects itself by increasing production of chemicals that detoxify nitric oxide.

Increasing banana diversity

In tracing the global spread of this new version of Fusarium oxysporum, we realized that a major cause for the recent resurgence of this fungal infection is the domination of the international banana industry by a single clone of banana.

Growing different varieties of bananas can make agriculture more sustainable and reduce disease pressure on a single crop. Farmers and researchers can control Fusarium wilt of banana by identifying or developing banana varieties that are tolerant or resistant to TR4. Our findings suggest that another way to protect Cavendish bananas would be to design effective nitric oxide scavengers to reduce the toxic pressure of the gas burst.

The banana industry has dark origins.

It can be hard to imagine how a consumer who simply enjoys eating bananas could participate in the battle against the disease devastating banana crops. However, consumers determine the market, and farmers are forced to grow what the market demands.

You can help increase banana diversity in your supermarket by intentionally trying one or more of the other hundreds of other existing banana varieties when they show up there. You can also buy local varieties of other fruits and agricultural products to help preserve plant diversity and support local growers.

Collaboration among scientists, farmers, industry and consumers around the world can help avoid future shortages of bananas and other crops.The Conversation

Li-Jun Ma, Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, UMass Amherst

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Written by: Li-Jun Ma, UMass Amherst
Published: 18 August 2024

Space News: Scientists find oceans of water on Mars

A 2018 photo of Mars during a dust storm, snapped by the Hubble Space Telescope. More than 3 billion years ago, the dusty red planet had oceans and rivers. That water disappeared, leaving only ice on the surface, most of it in the polar caps. A new analysis of Mars' interior suggests that much of the liquid water still exists in the pores of rocks 10-20 kilometers below the surface. Photo credit: NASA, ESA, STScI.

Seismic data from the Insight lander indicate deep, porous rock filled with liquid water.

BERKELEY, Calif. — Using seismic activity to probe the interior of Mars, geophysicists have found evidence for a large underground reservoir of liquid water — enough to fill oceans on the planet's surface.

The data from NASA's Insight lander allowed the scientists to estimate that the amount of groundwater could cover the entire planet to a depth of between 1 and 2 kilometers, or about a mile.

While that’s good news for those tracking the fate of water on the planet after its oceans disappeared more than 3 billion years ago, the reservoir won't be of much use to anyone trying to tap into it to supply a future Mars colony. It's located in tiny cracks and pores in rock in the middle of the Martian crust, between 11.5 and 20 kilometers (7 to 13 miles) below the surface. Even on Earth, drilling a hole a kilometer deep is a challenge.

The finding does pinpoint another promising place to look for life on Mars, however, if the reservoir can be accessed. For the moment, it helps answer questions about the geological history of the planet.

“Understanding the Martian water cycle is critical for understanding the evolution of the climate, surface and interior,” said Vashan Wright, a former UC Berkeley postdoctoral fellow who is now an assistant professor at UC San Diego’s Scripps Institution of Oceanography. “A useful starting point is to identify where water is and how much is there.”

Wright, alongside colleagues Michael Manga of UC Berkeley and Matthias Morzfeld of Scripps Oceanography, detailed their analysis in a paper that will appear this week in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The scientists employed a mathematical model of rock physics, identical to models used on Earth to map underground aquifers and oil fields, to conclude that the seismic data from Insight are best explained by a deep layer of fractured igneous rock saturated with liquid water. Igneous rocks are cooled hot magma, like the granite of the Sierra Nevada.

"Establishing that there is a big reservoir of liquid water provides some window into what the climate was like or could be like," said Manga, a UC Berkeley professor of earth and planetary science. "And water is necessary for life as we know it. I don't see why [the underground reservoir] is not a habitable environment. It's certainly true on Earth — deep, deep mines host life, the bottom of the ocean hosts life. We haven't found any evidence for life on Mars, but at least we have identified a place that should, in principle, be able to sustain life."

Manga was Wright's postdoctoral adviser. Morzfeld was a former postdoctoral fellow in UC Berkeley’s mathematics department and is now an associate professor of geophysics at Scripps Oceanography.

Manga noted that lots of evidence — river channels, deltas and lake deposits, as well as water-altered rock — supports the hypothesis that water once flowed on the planet's surface. But that wet period ended more than 3 billion years ago, after Mars lost its atmosphere. Planetary scientists on Earth have sent many probes and landers to the planet to find out what happened to that water — the water frozen in Mars' polar ice caps can't account for it all — as well as when it happened, and whether life exists or used to exist on the planet.

The new findings are an indication that much of the water did not escape into space but filtered down into the crust.

The Insight lander was sent by NASA to Mars in 2018 to investigate the crust, mantle, core and atmosphere, and it recorded invaluable information about Mars' interior before the mission ended in 2022.

"The mission greatly exceeded my expectations," Manga said. "From looking at all the seismic data that Insight collected, they've figured out the thickness of the crust, the depth of the core, the composition of the core, even a little bit about the temperature within the mantle."

Insight detected Mars quakes up to about a magnitude of 5, meteor impacts and rumblings from volcanic areas, all of which produced seismic waves that allowed geophysicists to probe the interior.

An earlier paper reported that above a depth of about 5 kilometers, the upper crust did not contain water ice, as Manga and others suspected. That may mean that there's little accessible frozen groundwater outside the polar regions.

The new paper analyzed the deeper crust and concluded that the "available data are best explained by a water-saturated mid-crust" below Insight’s location. Assuming the crust is similar throughout the planet, the team argued, there should be more water in this mid-crust zone than the "volumes proposed to have filled hypothesized ancient Martian oceans."

The Canadian Institute for Advanced Research, the National Science Foundation and the U.S. Office of Naval Research supported the work.

Robert Sanders writes for the UC Berkeley News Center.
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Written by: Robert Sanders
Published: 18 August 2024

Governor signs bills cracking down on retail crime and property theft; benefits may be limited for rural areas

Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday signed legislation to further crack down on property and retail crime in California, but Lake County’s district attorney said there may not be much of an impact for rural counties.

Newsom signed 10 new public safety laws to strengthen existing law enforcement tools and better protect Californians.

He said the new laws provide tougher criminal penalties for repeat offenders and additional tools for felony prosecutions.

“Let’s be clear, this is the most significant legislation to address property crime in modern California history. I thank the bipartisan group of lawmakers, our retail partners, and advocates for putting public safety over politics. While some try to take us back to ineffective and costly policies of the past, these new laws present a better way forward — making our communities safer and providing meaningful tools to help law enforcement arrest criminals and hold them accountable,” Newsom said in a statement on the action.

“A promise made is a promise kept — we’re taking bipartisan action to make our communities safer and stronger,” said Senate President pro Tempore Mike McGuire, whose district includes Lake County. “These 10 critical bills will crack down on retail theft, blunt local crime, and help our downtowns thrive for decades to come. Thanks to the partnership of Gov. Newsom, Speaker Rivas and the tireless work of our Senate and Assembly colleagues, California communities are getting the laws they need and rightfully deserve.”

Newsom’s office said the laws offer new tools to bolster ongoing efforts to hold criminals accountable for smash-and-grab robberies, property crime, retail theft and auto burglaries. They create stricter penalties for individuals involved in retail and property theft, mandate sentencing enhancements for large-scale operations, create new crimes, and impose enhanced felony charges and extended prison sentences.

While officials said California's crime rate remains near historic lows, last year the California Highway Patrol reported an annual 310% increase in proactive operations targeting organized retail crime, and special operations across the state to fight crime and improve public safety.

Since January, CHP’s Organized Retail Crime Task Force is on track to surpass the work in 2023, making 884 arrests and recovering more than a quarter of a million stolen goods valued at over $7.2 million, the Governor’s Office reported.

Lake County’s district attorney weighs in

Lake County District Attorney Susan Krones told Lake County News that she’s happy the Legislature is passing laws to crack down on organized retail theft offenses and the governor is signing them into law.

“However, for small rural counties like Lake we do not get very many cases where these new laws will make a difference,” Krones said. “These laws address organized retail theft with additional punishment when the theft is over $50,000 or more. That does nothing to detour the everyday thefts that we usually get in Lake County.”

Krones said none of these new laws make it a felony to steal property or money in the amount of $950 or less.

She said Proposition 36, the Homelessness, Drug Addiction and Theft Reduction Act that’s on the November ballot, “will make a huge difference to reduce retail thefts in Lake County.”

Krones explained that, if Prop 36 passes, an offender with two prior convictions for theft can be charged with a felony, regardless of the value of the stolen property.

“It is the same situation for drug possession,” Krones said. “ Currently it is a misdemeanor no matter how many priors a person has. Under Proposition 36 after two drug convictions the DA’s Office could charge a felony possession against the defendant.”

She added, “The goal is not to put people who are addicted to drugs in jail but to give them an incentive to seek help from programs to overcome their drug addiction.”

Email Elizabeth Larson at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Follow her on Twitter, @ERLarson, or Lake County News, @LakeCoNews.
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Written by: Elizabeth Larson
Published: 17 August 2024

Local elections are less partisan because voters will cross party lines when issues hit close to home

 


Hand-wringing over American politics commonly focuses on the sharp and growing divisions between Democrats and Republicans.

Accumulating evidence indicates that voters are less likely than ever to split their ticket or vote for candidates from different parties in presidential or congressional races. Polarization over hot-button issues has spiked, as has animosity toward members of the opposite party.

Research also shows that state-level political contests have become more partisan. Results for state-level electoral contests more closely mirror presidential election results than they once did.

As political scientists who study local politics, we wanted to know: Does that same partisanship carry over to city, county and other local elections?

Controversy over partisanship in local elections

Scholars have devoted relatively little attention to local elections, but some academic research suggests that local races, too, have become increasingly partisan. That would indicate that the particulars of local contests – for example, debates over housing, homelessness and public works projects – matter less in voters’ decision-making than party affiliation.

There is reason to be skeptical of these claims.

For one, the vast majority of mayoral and city council elections across the U.S. are formally nonpartisan, as are most school board elections; voters may not even know the candidates’ party identification. And contentious local issues such as where to build affordable housing may not fall neatly along partisan lines.

Further, partisan control over local governments may not matter as much to voters as it does on a national level.

That’s what many voters said in our survey research, conducted in California in 2021 and cited in our 2024 article for Urban Affairs Review. Over 60% of respondents claimed that they cast their ballots based on the candidates’ policy positions, not party affiliation. This factor far exceeded such other voting shortcuts as relying on party endorsements or the candidates’ demographic characteristics.

It is possible, of course, that the voters we surveyed only claimed to prioritize the issues over the politics because doing so is more socially desirable; it makes them seem more conscientious and thoughtful.

So we decided to test their commitment to nonpartisanship in local elections.

A survey experiment

Presented with the choice, how would voters respond in an election where the opposing party candidate was closer to their policy views than the candidate identified as being from their own party? Would they actually defect to the opposing party for this particular race?

To answer these questions, our team of three researchers at two California State University campuses conducted a survey experiment, building on the findings in our 2021 survey. In the new survey, conducted in late 2022 with 905 partisan, registered voters in California, we presented respondents with a choice between a city council candidate from their party who held policy views contrary to their own and a candidate from the other party who shared their policy preferences.

The survey focused on two highly relevant local issues: homelessness and housing. These are problems that matter to voters, and prominent California politicians within the same party have taken differing stands on them.

In the experiment, some respondents had to choose between a politician from their own party who agreed with them on one of these issues and a candidate from the opposing party who did not; this was the control group. In our separate test group, voters had to choose between a candidate from their own party who disagreed with them on one of the issues and an opposing party candidate who aligned with their views on that issue.

The experimental approach allowed us to isolate differences on these two issues from other policy matters that may have influenced their vote.

Our findings

We found that, overall, voters tend to support candidates from their own party – even when an opposite party candidate was closer to their views on salient local issues. About 60% of both Democrats and Republicans supported their party’s candidate for city council in the face of policy disagreements.

That said, 4 in 10 respondents defected from their party in this vote, prioritizing local issues – or these two local issues, at least – over partisan affiliation.

Indeed, under certain circumstances, most voters ditched the candidate from their political party. Fully 70% of respondents who supported a law enforcement-centered approach to homelessness, such as dismantling the highly visible encampments that have cropped up across California, would back a city council candidate from the opposite party who wanted police to clear the tent cities.

Looking deeper into the patterns from our experimental data, we found that the strength of both party ties and policy views mattered. Weak partisans were more likely to defect than strong partisans. Voters were also more likely to cross party lines if they believed homelessness and housing were very important issues or if they had more extreme policy preferences.

Party ties: Convenient but not binding

Our research complicates the common wisdom that partisanship dominates American electoral decision-making.

It suggests that Republican candidates can win in predominantly Democratic localities, and vice versa. Voters may cross party lines for politicians who take an appealing stance on local issues of serious concern, which may require breaking with party orthodoxy. Nonpartisan ballots that obscure the candidates’ party affiliation may help nudge voters toward party defection.

The implications are significant. More than 500,000 elected officials – 96% of all elected officials in the U.S. – serve at the local level, sitting on city councils, county boards of supervisors, school boards, special districts and the like.

In local politics, it turns out, a candidate’s party ties may be more of a convenience for voters than an identification that earns great loyalty. Partisanship looks less like sticking to your local sports team even when it’s having a terrible season and more like shopping at the nearest supermarket until a better one moves in.The Conversation

Edward L. Lascher Jr., Professor, Public Policy and Administration, California State University, Sacramento; Brian Adams, Professor of Political Science, San Diego State University, and Danielle Martin, Associate Professor of Political Science, California State University, Sacramento

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Written by: Edward L. Lascher Jr., California State University, Sacramento; Brian Adams, San Diego State University, and Danielle Martin, California State University, Sacramento
Published: 17 August 2024
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